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The solution the Soviet government came up with was artlessly indicated by Molotov at the Moscow talks in October 1943. No one is as interested in good relations with Poland as we, its neighbours, are. We stand for an independent Poland and are ready to help it; but it is necessary that Poland has the kind of government that would have a friendly disposition towards the USSR. 17 The only way the Russians could ensure that the Polish government would be friendly would be to deny the Polish people the right to choose their own government through democratic elections and to impose upon them a government of Moscow's own choice, which is precisely what they eventually did.
56 Then on 7 June a surprised Turkish ambassador was informed by Molotov that Moscow would require new terms for a new treaty: (1) the cession of territory from eastern Turkey; (2) Soviet bases on the straits; and (3) bilateral agreement before multilateral revision of Montreux. 57 Apart from the issue of territory, the Russians had returned to their stance of 1939-40. And, as at that time, Soviet aims with regard to Bulgaria were subordinate to the Turkish question. While Soviet armies pushed on to Warsaw, they also pressed on through the Balkans.
41-3. 2 Soviet War-Aims Jonathan Haslam The archives that can give us the definitive answer as to the war-aims of the Soviet regime are still closed: that is to say, all the Politburo papers relating to foreign, defence and intelligence matters and the greater part of the relevant files in the Foreign Ministry. 1 From the documents currently available, however, the bare outline of these aims can be reconstructed. The purpose of this chapter is also to explain the rationale behind them. The minimalist aims were certainly geo-political, dictated by the needs of state security and buttressed by precedent.